In January 1978, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights visited our country at the invitation of General Carlos Umberto Romero, who had been inaugurated as President of the Republic almost a year earlier, after the same rigged elections that brought his predecessor, Colonel Arturo, to power. Did. Armando Molina. Romero was his Minister of Defense and Public Security. Both were therefore most responsible for his July 1972 bloody takeover of the University of El Salvador. Also about the massacres that took place in San Salvador against the students of its universities and towns who participated in the protests, and against the defenseless peasants of Tecolca, Trescares, La Caetana and Chinamequita students. It’s part of the history we should learn from, but it doesn’t seem to tend to that much.
The report has 11 chapters with relevant conclusions and recommendations. It also includes the negative reaction of the dictatorship. The final chapter of the chapter addresses the situation of economic, social, and cultural rights, shows why civil and political rights have been seriously and systematically violated, and contributes to our understanding of what was happening at the time. comprehensively shows what was happening. Also, with the country’s course taking a turn for the worse, months later he explains why Romero was overthrown in October 1979 and the fratricidal war broke out in January 1981.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) refers to certain “myths” and “misconceptions” about economic, social and cultural rights. Recklessly, therefore, these effectiveness are said to be possible because the urgency and priorities are civil and political. But all human rights are interrelated. For example, OHCHR states that illiterate people have more difficulty in genuine political participation and in their true ability to express themselves freely.
It also states that the economic, social and cultural are valid as a “consequence” of democracy and economic growth. Here in El Salvador, democracy began to timidly emerge 30 years ago. At the time, neither served to improve the material situation of the masses. That’s why we are like who we are now.
In the 1970s, displaced people took to the streets to protest just this. This means that they suffer from precarious living conditions that undermine their dignity. And that fervor of popular indignation drove her to action in factories, schools, markets, universities, peasant communities, city streets… The right to food, work, fair wages, education, health, housing… for the basic goods and services without which human life is hell. Today, people who have been hurt by an exclusive and highly unequal system also leave the country, but they are out of the country. not.
For the dictatorship led by Nayib Bukele, serving the most basic needs of the majority related to daily life is not a priority. He is pure populism and shameless propaganda. And he knows that if this continues, tensions and polarization in our often bloody homeland will worsen. Because of this, we begin to witness what those of us who have experienced it see as a winding road to a perilous destiny.
The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, in its 1978 report, recommended that states adopt “the measures necessary to improve the general social and economic conditions in the country, using all their resources.” recommended that Inequality that hinders “observance of fundamental human rights”.
More than 30 years later, the Bukele movement isn’t going that way. Their gamble is to duplicate and fully arm the military and further militarize the extinct national “civil” police force to face the inevitable protests of the population demanding respect for their economic rights. social and cultural. Civilians and politicians have already “hit the back of the neck.” So now we must organize ourselves and fight to defend our dignity without committing the mistakes of the past.